Law: Military Trials to Prosecute Crimes Against Property and Public Institutions

المادة الاولى

مع عدم الاخلال بدون القوات المسلحة في حماية البلاد وسلامة اراضيها وامنها، تتولى القوات المسلحة معاونة اجهزة الشرطة والتنسيق الكامل معها في تامين وحماية المنشآت العامة  والحيوية بما في ذلك محطات وشبكات ابراج الكهرباء وخطوط الغاز وحقرل البترول وخطوط السكك الحديدية وشبكات الطرق والكباري وغيرها من المنشآت والموافق والممتلكات العامة وما يدخل في حكمها، وتعد هذه المنشآت في حكم المنشآت العسكرية طوال فترة التامين والحماية

المادة الثانية

تخضع الجوائم التي تقع علي المنشآت المرافق والممتلكات العامة المشار اليها في المادة الاولى من هذا القرار بقانون لاختصاص القضاء العسكري وعلى النيابة العامة احالة القضايا المتعلقة بهذه الجرائم الى النيابة العسكرية المختصة

المادة الثالثة

يعمل باحكام هذا القرار بقانون لمدة عامين من تاريخ سريانه

المادة الرابعة

يلغي كل حكم يخالف احكام هذا القرار بقانون

المادة الخامسة

ينشر هذا القرار بقانون في الجريدة الرسمية، ويعمل به اعنبارا من اليوم التالى التاريخ نشره

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English Summary via @maitelsadany:

  • Military has been given authority, along with the police to oversee and secure public properties and institutions including, power lines, petroleum reserves, bridges (Art. 1). Public institutions (referred to in Art. 1) are to be considered military entities for the duration of the decree’s effect (Art. 1)
  • Any attacks on these public properties and institutions (now considered military-affiliated) are to be tried before military courts (Art. 2). General prosecution now expected to refer cases of attacks on public properties to the military prosecution (Art. 2)
  • The provisions of the military judiciary decree will remain in effect for two years (Art. 3)

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Third Anniversary: Candlelight Vigil for Maspero Massacre Victims

Third Anniversary: Candlelight Vigil for Maspero Massacre Victims

Every year remembering Maspero becomes more important. Impunity continues fiercely and sectarianism robs citizens of property, family members, safety, and their basic right to life. This anniversary remembers a massacre in Egypt, but I cannot help but think of Syria, Iraq, and each and every country in our region that is caving under the hatred of sectarianism.

In DC this Thursday, October 9: Candlelight Vigil for the Maspero Massacre Anniversary

Follow Eshhad on Twitter (@sectarianattack) or on Facebook (Eshhad) for event details or generally for information and on sectarian attacks in Egypt and the region.

Candlelight Vigil (1)

Photo Credit to Hossam el-Hamalawy. Photo taken in October 2011.

Church Shells and Empty Promises

Originally published on EgyptSource on September 30, 2014.

More than a year has passed since the burning and looting of over forty churches and other Christian property around the country on August 14, 2013. It has also been over a year since a promise was made to rebuild the churches that were damaged or fully destroyed, but in reality, little has been done to fulfill those promises. After the rise of now-President Abdel Fatah al-Sisi and his promise to reconstruct the churches, Christians in Egypt were swept by a hope of safety and security. It appears that many still have faith in Sisi but likely not because he fulfilled his promises or because the government, security apparatus, and the judiciary has taken active measures to protect, prevent, and prosecute the perpetrators of sectarian attacks against minorities. Old and institutionalized, sectarianism has plagued Egypt’s Christians for decades and at the start of the Egyptian revolution in 2011, sectarianism took a turn for the worse, an ongoing problem today.

The promise to rebuild the churches destroyed in the wake of the dispersal of the pro-Mohamed Morsi Raba’a and Nahda sit-ins was meant to occur over three phases. The first phase of reconstruction began in December 2013 in the Minya Governorate on the Al Amir Tadros Church, yet very little news of continued building or completion has been reported since. Ishak Ibrahim, a researcher with local NGO, the Egyptian Initiative of Personal rights, told EgyptSource that there are approximately ten construction sites including churches, schools, and other municipal buildings. In addition to the Al Amir Tadros Church in Minya, work also began on the Evangelical Church in Mallawi. Work was also allegedly scheduled to begin on the Sisters of St. Joseph School in Minya and Franciscan Sisters School in Beni Suef, yet the work was slow and there were obstacles in the village itself. A major obstacle is that residents in the village (often the groups behind the attacks) oppose the reconstruction of the church.

Ibrahim also reports that some military businessmen, along with the Grand Mufti Ali Gomaa, are believed to have set up a fund to raise money for the reconstruction plan and announced that they had raised 76 million Egyptian pounds from twelve businessmen. However, in February 2014, the Egyptian Family House said that the donations only amounted to a little over 1 million Egyptian pounds because some businessmen never came through with promised donations. Ibrahim says it is not clear where the money is now or if it was used for the reconstruction project.  He adds, however, that it is a measly amount of money compared to the actual financial need for the project’s completion.

The second phase of rebuilding was scheduled to begin in July 2014, but was also delayed. No updates have been received since, according to Ibrahim. He speculates that the delay in implementation is due to security reasons, and the lack of funds owing to few donations by voluntary donors.

According to Mina Thabet, a researcher for the Egyptian Commission for Rights and Freedoms, only 10 percent of the churches had been reconstructed as of August 2014. Even Al Amir Tadros Church, the first church that the military began to reconstruct, remains unfinished, according to Mina Fayek. To further exasperate the situation, with near daily attacks in Egypt, on September 27, 2014, a bomb went off in front of Al Amir Tadros and a nearby high school, the Coptic High School.

Ibrahim also explains that, of the many churches that did not suffer from severe damage, such as the Coptic Orthodox Diocese in Sohag, the Church is restoring them at its own expense.

In addition to the unfulfilled promises to reconstruct churches, there is a disconnect between the Church leadership and the Egyptian Christian population. Despite reports of monthly kidnappings of Christians, especially young girls, despite continued sectarian violence in Upper Egypt, despite the fact that a presidential permit must be obtained to reconstruct or remodel a church, and despite the fact that the churches burned in the August 2013 attacks are not being reconstructed, the head of the church, Pope Tawadros II of Alexandria, insists Egyptians are united—“one hand and one heart.”

In a meeting between Pope Tawadros and President Sisi on August 8, 2014, the issue of repeated kidnappings, as well as the age-old conflict surrounding permission to build or remodel churches, were weaved into a discussion that highlighted the importance of building Egypt’s economy and the strength and bond between Muslims and Christians in Egypt, and the region. Very little detail was provided about a plan forward, and there was no real public criticism of the State’s failure to protect Egypt’s largest minority groups over the past year, the failure to prevent further violence, or the ability to complete the promised reconstruction of the buildings destroyed. Christians lost their homes, stores, property, and family members, yet no reparations or remedies were provided by the State. Ibrahim explains that some Christians received financial assistance from the different professional associations they belong to, like for example the Association of Pharmacists or other private donations.

In a meeting on September 2, 2014, Pope Tawadros emphasized that enhanced efforts must be made to end violence by extremist groups, according to the World Council of Churches. However, he claims that “[i]f they attack churches we will pray in mosques, if they attack mosques, we will pray on roads. We can pray in a country without a church but cannot pray in a church without a country.” Unfortunately, for many Christians who are praying in courtyards due to a damaged building, they do not and likely cannot go and pray in the local mosques. Pope Tawadros went on to say that the increasing migration of Christians out of Egypt (and the region) was a “dangerous trend,” adding that leaving does not solve the problems they are facing. Unfortunately, what the Church, or the government, are able or willing to do, have not addressed the persistent problems, leaving many Christians’ safety, in their own hands.

The negligence – or willful disregard of the welfare of Egyptian Christians – by the security apparatus and the government brings to light how little has been done or will be done to prevent future attacks or remedy past crimes against this very large minority group.  On July 15, 2013 – almost a month before the dispersal of the Muslim Brotherhood that sparked the widespread attack against churches and personal property – the Egyptian Initiative of Personal Rightswarned of the “gravity of sectarian violence and incitement seen in several governorates since the massive demonstrations and marches of 30 June.” The report emphasized that the security apparatus had repeatedly failed to perform “their legally mandated roles” and failed to intervene to protect citizens and their property. Further, the report indicates that the security apparatus had prior knowledge of certain attacks, and still failed to intervene. This is not surprising given the repeated nature of sectarian attacks, failure of security to intervene, failure in remedying the crimes, and repeated failure to protect civilians.

Had a sincere and real effort been made to correct the devastating attacks last year, or for that matter the other serious and symbolic attacks since January 2011, society itself would be able to start reversing the continued tension between Muslims and Christians in Upper Egypt and other areas that have been subjected to continued sectarian attacks. The inability or unwillingness of the security and government forces to protect, prevent, and prosecute the crimes regularly committed against Christians in Egypt only serves to exasperate the problem. And the empty burned out shells of church buildings serves as a daily reminder of this failure.

As sectarian violence continues to spread through the Middle East, driving out thousands of Christians and other minority groups, Egypt has to develop a powerful system internally to protect Egypt’s Christians and the many other religious minorities in the country. Egypt’s Christians, Shia, Baha’ai, and other ethnic minorities remain vulnerable as the government and security forces refuse to change the pattern of neglect and disregard.

Yesterday an Enemy, Today a Friend?

This was originally published on EgyptSource.

The nuanced, complicated-nature, and symbolic defeat of a theological state that came with June 30 has left most Christians in Egypt ironically and dangerously excited, hopeful, and confident in the current government and more precisely, Field Marshal Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

Seven months ago, on August 14, Egyptian Christians fell victim to an unusually coordinated and well-executed attack that extended to almost every province of the country. As Christians watched approximately 100 Christian institutions and churches destroyed and attacked by assailants across the country, they also saw the strength of Egypt’s security apparatus as it dispersed the pro-Mohamed Morsi Raba’a al-Adaweya and Nahda Square sit-ins. While authorities accused the Brotherhood of planning and launching the attacks in retaliation for the sit-in dispersals, the Brotherhood in turn denounced the attacks, accusing Egyptian security forces of orchestrating them as a means of framing the organization. Regardless, August 14 both solidified Christian fear of the Brotherhood and hope that the Egyptian military would deliver them from this fear. Following the attacks, the military promised to rebuild at least some of the churches, leading to even greater popularity and support for Sisi and the military institution.

For some members of Egyptian society, this blind hope is a dangerous game to play, and certainly a strange one, after the military and police’s failure to protect Christians, whether under Mubarak, or the consecutive governments that have followed. Close observers remember Egyptian police firing tear gas into the Saint Mark’s Coptic Orthodox Cathedral after a mob attack on the church lasted hours, leading to one death and eighty-four injuries. Others may remember how up to twenty-six Christians were killed as military tanks ran them over at Maspero in October 2011 as they protested the destruction of a church in Aswan. In March 2011, less than three months after the revolution, up to five churches were attacked and burned in Imbaba. Sectarian attacks under Mubarak were common throughout his three decade rule;

Few will forget the bomb that ripped through Saint Mark’s Coptic Cathedral in Alexandria in January 2011. While Habib al-Adly, then Minister of Interior, was later tried for potentially orchestrating the attack, the case has yet to be resolved.

Revisiting the treatment of Christians over the years begs the question of whether Egypt has actually entered a new era of protection and concern for the community or, if Christians are being used as a political tool. More specifically, the question is whether society could have changed so drastically and quickly that Christians are now in safe hands and enjoy equal opportunities as citizens of the country. Reality leads observers to believe that while there may be a genuine focus on Christians at the present, it is part of a larger political scheme, the very same scheme that demonized the Brotherhood and may very-well backfire in the delicate social and political environment that Egypt now finds itself in. There is no better way to appear democratic than to embrace the largest Christian population in the Middle East. The question remains how long this phase will last.

Despite the hesitation with which we approach this question, the reality is that there are a couple of semi-positive signs. Most importantly, in addition to ordering the reconstruction of at least some of the churches attacked in mid-August, construction by the Ministry of Defense and Armed Forces actually began in December, marking the first of three phases. Despite potential conflict and obstacles that may appear in the near future, the fact is that the military is seemingly taking their reconstruction promise seriously. Secondly, Egypt’s new Constitution embraces higher inclusivity and protection of the rights of minorities, at least on the superficial level. While the rights of cultural and religious minorities are enshrined in the document, one would have to ignore the violations against journalists, civilians, and members of the Muslim Brotherhood, to conclude that the government, military, and police are suddenly eager to respect human rights.

Ultimately, however, there continues to be an unfortunate number of attacks on Christians in Upper Egypt and other areas around the country. As recently as March 5, a man was attacked in his home in Delga, Minya, after refusing to hand over his land to extremists. In early February, a woman was attacked and killed in her pharmacy and two others stabbed by at least one man shouting sectarian rhetoric. Ishak Ibrahim, a researcher with the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR), recently published a lengthy article discussing the increasing number of kidnappings, forced evictions, and ‘jizya’ (taxes/royalties to local Muslims) that Christians are being forced to pay in Upper Egypt. Not only are the perpetrators met with impunity, but often the incidents go unreported all together.

If these more recent events are not enough to raise concern for the security and safety of Christians inside Egypt, the slow response to the violent attacks on Egyptian Christians in Libya also merits consideration. In less than a week, several attacks on Egyptian Copts have left over seven men dead and at least one injured; dozens tortured in Libyan prisons; and many fleeing Libya for their lives. One Egyptian Copt, Salama Fawzy Tobia, was shot in his vegetable store in Benghazi. He succumbed a week later to his wounds, becoming the eighth Christian killed in Libya. The Maspero Youth Union believes Christians are being targeted in Libya due to their religion.

The attacks come at a time when unconfirmed reports were revealed that Ansar al-Sharia had promised 10,000 dinars for the blood of Christians in Libya and multiple attempts by local Christians to contact the Egyptian Embassy for support have been met with no avail. Statements by members of the Foreign Ministry in response to these events appear to be no more than shallow promises meant to appease families of victims. After the seven-man execution, the Foreign Ministryannounced that the attack was not aimed at just Christians, but all Egyptians in Libya, mentioning that the Egyptian Embassy (which had itself been attacked and had five members of its staff kidnapped in January 2014) was going to help track the investigation of the threats and killings.

Libya and Egypt, as signatories of the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights, are bound to the international human rights instrument that is meant to promote and protect human rights and basic freedoms in the continent. Article 2 of the Charter codifies the rights and freedoms of all humans, free from discrimination of religion; Article 4, the right of all humans to life and the integrity of her person; and Article 8, the freedom of conscience and the right to free practice of religion. Without going into depth on Libya’s internal conflicts and consequential violation of the Charter, the Egyptian government’s and military’s future statements should reflect the international obligations of both countries to protect Egyptian visitors and residents in Libya. Serious action should be taken to protect and assist Copts, whether in Egypt, Libya or elsewhere, and recognition of the unapologetic sectarianism should translate to renewed commitment to religious freedom both in the region and in Egypt.

Two-Hundred Lives Lost | Sectarian Violence around the World

The world has lost over two-hundred lives this week to mindless sectarian violence; Kenya, Pakistan, Iraq, Syria, and the never ending silent suffering of those we do not even know about all over the world.

Iraq

Iraq, a country that has been ravaged by violence for years, and yet so easily forgotten.

This year Agence France-Presse (@AFP) reported 4,312 deaths and 11,082 injuries. May 24 was the last day AFP did not report a single death.

September 22 | Suicide bombing at a Sunni funeral, kills twelve.

In another part of Iraq, a suicide bomb, targeting a Christian MP, wounded forty-seven people including three of his children when the bomb blew up a vehicle near his home and a government building. | KUNANOW.

September 21 | Three bombs targeting a Shi’ite funeral left sixty-five killed, some report over ninety dead.

September 20 | Two blasts ripped through Sunni mosques killing eighteen. Musab bin Omair mosque is near Samarra and north of Iraq.

The attacks in Iraq have affected everyone; Sunni, Shi’ite, Christians, and government buildings and personnel. Led by militant groups, the attacks are reviving a fear of sectarian violence and retaliation.

According to Reuters, “Iraq’s delicate sectarian balance has come under growing strain from the civil war in neighboring Syria, where mainly Sunni Muslim rebels are fighting to overthrow a leader backed by Shi’ite Iran. Both Sunnis and Shi’ites have crossed into Syria from Iraq to fight on opposite sides of the conflict.” |Reuters

In the past three days around 133 have been killed.

Kenya

Somali militant group al-Shabab opened fire at the Westgate Mall in Nairobi, Kenya killing more than sixty-eight people, injuring over 175 and holding an unknown number of people hostage in the mall for the third day. They first struck on September 21. When first attacking, allied to Al-Qaeda, the al-Shabab gunmen ushered Muslims out of the mall, targeting only Christians. | Mashable

Al-Shabab quickly claimed responsibility after the begining of the attack and flaunted the attack on twitter. The reason for the attack is specifically for the advances Kenya made on Somalia in 2011. | The Guardian

AP in Kenya published “10 things to know about al-Shabab” explaining why they attacked and more on who they are. | AP

Word has been published that the “White Widow,” Samantha Lewthwaite, was among the gunmen who attacked the mall, commonly glorified-news-style as the “one of the most feared female terrorists in history.” | Mirror

Pakistan

Sunday, September 22, was also witness to a deathly attack in Pakistan. After church at the 130-year-old Anglican All Saints Church in Peshawar, two suicide bombs struck killing at least seventy-eight people.

“Islamist violence has been on the rise in Pakistan in past months, undermining Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s efforts to tame the insurgency by launching peace talks with the Pakistani Taliban. Within hours of the attack, Sharif toughened his stance considerably but fell short of calling for outright military action against insurgents holed up in tribal areas on the Afghan border – an option supported by Pakistan’s all-powerful army.” | Reuters

Syria

Completely consumed in civil war, minority groups in Syria are suffering from the weight of the conflict, as well as from sectarian violence. Amnesty published in January that the sectarian violence was targeting “Alawite, Druze and Shi’a Muslims, along with Christians.”

On September 11, AFP reported that one man was forced to convert to Islam at gunpoint. This story from Maalula was released after people escaped the town after Jihadists overran it and is now a point of conflict between the army and this Jihadist opposition group. | AFP

Some deny that sectarianism will damage their relationships with the other religions or sects as reported by AP on one group of Syrians who are fighting to maintain unity.

Sectarian Attacks: An Interactive Database

Based on the database of sectarian attacks initially launched on Nile Revolt, we have now upgraded the original database to an interactive database available for all users [sectarianattacks.com]. Using this database, you can make corrections to existing posts (by sharing updated information, photos, and videos) and also report new sectarian attacks that have not already been recorded on this database.

We encourage you to update and report incidents with verification links to help us be able to publish it sooner.

To contact us with questions or feedback, please email us at sectarianattacks@gmail.com and follow us on twitter at @SectarianAttack.

This website and database has been made given to us and made feasible by someone who saw the need, sat down and did it. We are indebted to @Alkema‘s contribution and dedication.

Egypt’s Christians: Pawns in a Political Chess Game

Egypt’s Christians: Pawns in a Political Chess Game

This was originally published on EgyptSource.

Following the violent and bloody dispersal of the month-long pro-Mohamed Morsi sit-ins in Raba’a al-Adaweya and al-Nahda, a wave of attacks spread across Egypt leaving close to one hundred churches and Christian properties attacked, damaged, or fully destroyed. While there are only a few reported deaths, this is the largest, most coordinated sectarian violence that Egypt has witnessed since the start of the revolution and in Egypt’s modern-day history. The timing and nature of the attacks have left many wondering who is responsible for the violence, and as the only two groups with an organized network, blame has been thrown back and forth between the Muslim Brotherhood and State Security.
Egypt’s Christians have historically been a nonviolent and unarmed minority, thus making them an easy target of sectarianism. Reports of kidnappings to secure ransom money and other incidents involving the kidnapping of young girls to marry them off to men in villages have long plagued Upper Egypt and the entirety of the country, but remain relatively unreported and unresolved by the government. Church buildings have commonly been vandalized and stores belonging to Christians attacked or robbed, with these types of attacks disproportionately increasing in the days prior to August 14.

Even before the attacks began, perpetrators had already marked Christian stores with an “x” to differentiate them from Muslim-owned properties. In some areas of Egypt, attacks on Christian properties and churches took place almost immediately after the sit-in dispersals began. By 9:30 a.m., villages in Minya were experiencing the pervasive destruction of Christian homes, stores, and properties. In some areas, no Christian store was left untouched. One woman, not knowing what was happening in Cairo, was attacked as she opened her store in the morning, grabbed by the hair and thrown into the street as attackers robbed and looted. With incredibly poor coverage of news from Upper Egypt as the epicenter of sectarian attacks, horror stories are slow to reach Cairo and the rest of the world. However, even when the opportunity to report arises, many Christian families refuse to talk, for fear of reprisals. Many stay behind locked doors, with their Muslim neighbors going out to buy groceries for them.

Immediately after news of sectarian attacks broke out, Muslim Brotherhood leaders denied responsibility and claimed that State Security was behind the attacks. Despite this and other efforts by the Brotherhood to portray an image of tolerance and inclusivity to the West, these attacks come on the heels of a constant flow of sectarian rhetoric from the Raba’a stage as well as the Freedom and Justice Party’s social media sites that suggest that the violence should have been expected in response to Pope Tawadros II’s support for Morsi’s ousting: “the Church mobilizes the Copts in June 30 demonstrations to topple the Islamist president.” The statement also ominously reads: “For the Church to declare war against Islam and Muslims is the worst offense. For every action there is a reaction.” The sectarian rhetoric has continued in the wake of the violent dispersal of the pro-Morsi sit-in, with the Brotherhood’s official website reporting that Christians were shooting at a protest that left from a mosque on August 16. At the end of July, prior to the widespread attacks on churches, the website said that the Church was acting irresponsibly by calling for a ‘war on religion.’

While the Brotherhood has a history of divisive rhetoric, it makes little sense to conduct such attacks if the group continues to maintain political aspirations. Large-scale sectarianism would certainly work to the Brotherhood’s disadvantage by detracting from Western support, which they have enthusiastically worked to garner through charm-offensive trips to Washington DC, interviews with international media in English, and the provision of eye-witness accounts to events like the first and second Raba’a massacres.

It was only natural for the Muslim Brotherhood to speedily direct blame towards State Security, as the only other institution large and organized enough to coordinate on a mass-scale. In light of the current political battle, the government and armed forces could certainly benefit from arranging for the attacks and then allowing the general hatred of the Brotherhood to implicate them, thus giving an impetus for Egypt’s newly declared “war against terrorism” and its concerted effort to label the Brotherhood a terrorist group. With mounting international criticism against the military takeover and the massacring of hundreds in what has been described as the most violent crackdown by the armed forces since the start of the revolution, State Security certainly stands to benefit. Those who believe that the state is complicit in the church attacks often cite the bombing of Saint Mark in Alexandria as an example, since it is commonly believed that then-Interior Minister Habib al-Adly was behind the attack, however, no investigation or arrests in connection with the bombing have been carried out to date.

Despite what State Security could gain from such violence, it is difficult to imagine a state security system that would marginalize a significant portion of its population and place them in a state of constant terror only to further alienate the already deeply resented Brotherhood. Egypt has long been plagued by sectarian language that has seeped deep into society and manifested itself in a history of sectarian violence, and to further implicate the Brotherhood during these recent attacks, some eyewitnesses have confirmed the involvement of locals, often considered Muslim Brotherhood sympathizers. In addition to graffiti, cries of “Allahu Akbar” have preceded the looting, burning, and destruction of churches, homes, and stores indicating sectarian motive. While most members of society do live at peace with neighbors from other religions, the issue of sectarianism has not been dealt with, leaving many un-reconciled conflicts simmering under the surface.

Ultimately, both the Muslim Brotherhood and State Security carry the weight of responsibility, one of incitement and the other of avoidance. The Muslim Brotherhood’s rhetoric and actions have long served as a source for continued violence. Even without a direct call from the Brotherhood leadership to attack Christians, segments of society have been inundated with hate speech and are ready to commit such acts. State Security’s refusal to contend with sectarianism and take real steps to counter it, despite their knowledge of clear threats and marginalization, has allowed both rogue individuals and organized groups to threaten the existence of Egyptian Christians and their buildings (some of which are historical relics which date back to the 4th century). Informal ‘reconciliation meetings,’ which bring no real justice or accountability, filled the void left by the government’s inability, or unwillingness, to address sectarian issues, whether under Mubarak, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces or Morsi. The current interim government shows no signs of being different.

In the fight to gain credibility and to influence local and international media, the everyday Christian has become a pawn in a political chess game, paying a serious price in the power struggles of others. Ancient relics, the livelihood of individuals, the dignity of the Egyptian people, and the hope of democracy continue to be sacrificed as the Muslim Brotherhood proliferates hate speech and Egypt’s State Security fails to secure its population.

Photo Credit